What I’ll do as Governor.

02

Insurance and Storms

Property insurance #

• Florida homeowners pay the highest property insurance premiums in the country.
• The reasons sit inside filings almost nobody reads.
• The state's own consultant found an accounting scheme where profits are hidden in affiliates while insurance companies claim losses. Up to 63% of premiums were affiliate fees.

What I will do:

• Direct the Office of Insurance Regulation to publish loss ratios, reinsurance costs, executive pay, and rate justifications in plain language.
• Require whole-company accounting so no carrier declares a loss while its affiliates book the profit.
• Cap insurer profit as a share of revenue minus expenditures, and return surplus back to policyholders.
• Build any cap with actuarial review and solvency protection so carriers stay and pay claims.
• Expand My Safe Florida Home and tie it to enforced building codes.
• Make mitigation discounts real and visible on the bill.

When a claim is denied:

• A policy is a contract. A homeowner who is wrongly denied must be able to enforce it.
• Restore the policyholder's right to sue a carrier that denies, underpays, or slow-walks a covered claim.
• Restore one-way attorney fee recovery for a policyholder who wins. Without it, a $40,000 roof claim is not worth litigating and carriers know it.
• The 2022 and 2023 changes were sold as ending frivolous litigation. What they ended was the leverage an ordinary homeowner had.
• Keep real sanctions for genuinely fraudulent claims and for contractors who inflate them. Fraud enforcement and a homeowner's right to sue are not in tension.

Citizens Property Insurance #

• Citizens is the state-backed insurer of last resort.
• If Citizens cannot pay claims after a major storm, Florida law allows assessments on policyholders statewide, including people who are not Citizens customers.
• That is a tax that appears on your bill without a vote.

What I will do:

• Require every Florida policy to state the assessment exposure in plain language.
• Before any takeout offer reaches a policyholder, publish the financial condition of the carrier making it, including affiliate structure and claims-payment record.
• Let policyholders decline a takeout without penalty.
• No takeout approvals for carriers that fail solvency screening.
• Keep Citizens rates actuarially sound. The glide path should not outrun Florida wages.

Auto insurance and telematics #

• Floridians pay among the highest auto rates in the country.

Rates:

• Reform PIP.
• Address uninsured motorist rates.
• Ban credit-score-based rating.
• Apply the same whole-company accounting standard used for property carriers.

Telematics. The rule is consent and ownership:

• Ban manufacturer-installed telematics that transmit driving or location data without the owner's express consent. A car you bought should not report on you by default.
• If a driver chooses an insurance telematics device, that is their call.
• The insurer may collect only what is necessary to price that policy. Nothing more.
• The driver owns the data and can see everything held on them.
• The driver can delete it at any time without losing coverage.

Flood insurance #

• Update the flood maps.
• Require honest disclosure to buyers and renters before they sign.
• Open the market to private alternatives.
• Address inland flooding and repetitive-loss properties. The risk does not stop at the coast.

The federal program most Floridians actually use:

• Most flood policies in Florida are written through the National Flood Insurance Program, and its risk-rating overhaul moved a lot of premiums sharply upward.
• Congress has run the program on short-term extensions for years. Every lapse freezes closings in a state where people are trying to buy and sell homes.
• A governor does not set NFIP rates. Here is what Florida can do, and I will do all of it.

What Florida controls:

• Fund elevation, flood-proofing, and drainage mitigation directly. Mitigation is the only thing that lowers a premium permanently, and it lowers what the state pays to rebuild.
• Get every eligible community into the Community Rating System. Those discounts come off residents' premiums for work local governments are largely doing anyway.
• Honest, current flood maps, and full flood history disclosed to every buyer and renter before they sign. People should know what they are buying.
• Open the private flood market as real competition rather than a last resort.
• Press for a long-term reauthorization and an affordability glide path tied to what a household can pay, not only to what the model says the risk is.

Hurricanes and emergency management #

• Preparedness and insurance are the same problem. A hardened home is cheaper to insure and cheaper to rebuild.
• Enforce building codes.
• Pre-position supplies and ready county resilience centers before the cone appears.
• Fully fund the Division of Emergency Management.
• Build a state disaster reserve so Florida can respond without waiting on FEMA.

Recovery contracting:

• Every hurricane recovery contract public: the vendor, the scope, the price, the change orders, and who approved them.
• Posted as they are signed, not released after the season when nobody is looking.
• Debris hauling measured and verified before payment. Volume fraud after a storm is the oldest trick in the business.
• Fraud is prosecuted as fraud. Charges, prison, restitution.
• Permanent debarment from state and local work for the company and for the people who ran it, so the same crew does not reappear under a new name next storm.
• Pre-qualified vendor lists built before the season, with rates set in advance, so the state is not negotiating at a premium while people are under water.

04

Healthcare

Cost and coverage #

• Roughly 800,000 Floridians fall into the coverage gap.
• Direct the Agency for Health Care Administration to pursue a waiver. Durable funding requires the legislature.
• Florida's prescription drug importation program is signed into law and federally approved but stalled. Press to start bulk purchasing.
• Florida has more people on the ACA marketplace than any other state. I support extending the enhanced credits as a bridge rather than letting premiums jump overnight.
• But subsidies paid to insurers without price transparency feed the system that drove costs up.
• The real fix is lowering what care costs: importation, price transparency, disclosure of pharmaceutical financial ties, and closing the coverage gap.

Healthcare workers and mental health #

• Florida has a nursing shortage, a mental health access shortage, and a substance abuse treatment capacity shortage at the same time.
• Baker Act reform is overdue.
• Burnout is pushing people out of the field faster than we replace them.
• This is a standalone statewide problem and I will treat it as one.

Opioid settlement funds #

• Florida is receiving a large multi-year settlement from opioid manufacturers and distributors. That money was paid because people died.
• Publish every dollar: what came in, where it went, what it bought, by county.
• Spend it on treatment capacity, recovery housing, and overdose prevention.
• No backfilling budgets that were already committed.
• Independent oversight with public reporting, not an agency grading its own work.

06

Government Accountability

Agencies that serve the public, not the industry #

• An agency built to regulate an industry ends up staffed by people from that industry, writing rules that industry can live with, then hiring those people back.
• That is how the insurance office, the utility commission, and the water districts stopped working for you.
• Tighten lobbying rules, revolving-door restrictions, and gift rules.
• Publish agency performance scorecards so service delivery is measured in public.
• The order matters: the people, then the Constitution, then government, then the people who work in it. Agents of the government sit at the bottom of that list, not the top.

Legislation source control #

• Every change to a software codebase is recorded: what changed, who changed it, when.
• Legislation has no such record, which is why language nobody claims authorship of appears in a bill at two in the morning.
• Require public version history for every bill, showing every change, every author, and every outside party who influenced the text.
• If a lobbyist wrote the paragraph, your name should be on the paragraph.
• No other candidate in this race is proposing this.

Public records and the Sunshine Law #

• Florida's public records law is one of the strongest in the country on paper.
• It has been weakened by hundreds of statutory exemptions added one at a time.
• It has been weakened further by agencies that comply slowly enough to make a request pointless.
• Audit every exemption and publish the list with its original justification.
• Sunset exemptions so each one has to be defended again rather than accumulating forever.
• Publish agency response times for records requests.
• Penalties for unreasonable delay should fall on the agency, not the requester.

Home rule and preemption #

• Authority belongs at the lowest level of government competent to exercise it.
• Tallahassee has spent years overriding counties and cities on wages, housing, land use, and more.
• A statewide standard is sometimes right.
• When the state preempts a local decision, it should have to identify the specific statewide interest that justifies it.
• Blanket preemption with no stated reason is not federalism, it is convenience.
• I oppose preemption that strips local governments of the ability to respond to local conditions, starting with the wage preemption in Section 218.077.

Judicial appointments #

• A governor fills judicial vacancies through the judicial nominating commissions and appoints the commissioners.
• Publish every applicant, every interview, and every commissioner's vote.
• Appoint on qualification, record, and judicial temperament.
• No political litmus tests in either direction.
• A judge's job is to apply the law as written, including when it produces a result the governor does not like.
• A judge appointed by the governor, or whose appointment is pending before him, does not sit on a case involving that governor's administration. Recusal is not a favor to the parties. It is what makes the ruling worth anything.
• I will not appoint anyone who treats a seat on the bench as a continuation of their political career.

Hope Florida #

• Follow the law. That is the whole position.
• Money recovered in a state Medicaid settlement is public money. Where it went, who directed it, and under what authority are questions with documents behind them.
• Legislative subpoenas should be answered, not negotiated down.
• A charitable foundation operating inside a state agency invites exactly this. Either it is a state program subject to public records and audit, or it is a private charity with no access to state settlement money. It cannot be both.
• No official, elected or appointed, is above the audit. That includes a governor, and it would include me.

Public Service Commission appointments #

• The PSC sets what you pay for electricity and water. A governor's real leverage over utility rates is who sits on it, so that is where the reform has to be.

Who is eligible:

• Demonstrated competence in engineering, utility economics, accounting, or consumer law. This is a technical job and it should be held by people who can read a rate filing.
• No one who has worked for or lobbied on behalf of a regulated utility in the previous four years.
• At least one seat reserved for a commissioner with a consumer advocacy background.

How they get there:

• Applications, résumés, and conflict disclosures published when submitted.
• Public interviews, livestreamed and archived.
• A nominating council that is not controlled by people who take utility campaign money, with the conflicts of every member published.

What they do once seated:

• Every contact between a commissioner and a utility logged and published, including the date, the participants, and the subject.
• Four-year ban on going to work for a utility the commissioner regulated, with real penalties rather than an honor system.
• Fund the Office of Public Counsel so ratepayers have representation comparable to what the utilities bring.
• Rate orders written in plain language explaining what changed and why.

Election integrity #

• Paper ballots.
• Auditable systems.
• No voting machines running proprietary code the public cannot inspect.
• Transparent campaign finance.
• An election system nobody is allowed to examine is asking for trust it has not earned. This is a systems question before it is a partisan one.

No foreign influence over Florida policy #

• No foreign government should have influence over Florida policy.
• The standard is neutral and applies to all of them: Russian, Israeli, Chinese, or any other.
• Prohibit state contracts with foreign-government-owned or controlled companies.
• Work with the Cabinet to keep state pension funds out of foreign entities engaged in human rights violations.
• The State Board of Administration is governed by the governor, the Chief Financial Officer, and the Attorney General together, so that one is a shared decision.

One standard for every nation #

• No special treatment for any race, religion, or nationality. That is the principle, and it runs in both directions.
• No Floridian gets more or less protection under state law because of who they are.
• No foreign government gets a carve-out in Florida statute because of which one it is.
• A rule that can only be stated by naming one country or one community is not a rule. It is a favor.
• Where Florida law currently singles out one nation or one group, I will move it to a neutral standard that covers everyone.

Boycott and contracting laws:

• Florida's scrutinized-companies framework from 2016, and its 2025 expansion to schools, nonprofits, local governments, and grant applicants, condition public contracts and investment on a political position about a foreign government.
• Courts in several states have enjoined comparable laws as compelled speech and as unconstitutional conditions.
• I will move to repeal them. A Florida business should win or lose a contract on price, capability, and performance.
• This follows directly from the First Amendment position above. A speech condition I like today is a speech condition pointed at me tomorrow.

Definitions written into statute:

• Threats, vandalism, assault, and harassment should be prosecuted hard, whoever the victim is. That is not in question.
• The problem is codifying a contested political definition that reaches criticism of a foreign government, and applying it in education and criminal law. That is a speech standard wearing a civil rights label.
• One standard: conduct-based protection applied equally to every protected class, with no statutory definition that converts political argument into a violation.

Security for houses of worship:

• Synagogues and Jewish schools, mosques, Black churches, and Sikh gurdwaras have all been attacked in this country.
• Security funding should reach every congregation and religious school facing a credible threat, through one program, one application, one standard.
• I will expand that funding, not repeal it. Equal treatment means everyone is protected, not that nobody is.

Trade offices and state partnerships:

• Florida runs foreign trade offices and state-backed innovation partnerships. They should exist under uniform published criteria, or not at all.
• No bilateral partnership that exists because of a political relationship rather than a Florida economic case.
• Every one reviewed against the same test, with results published, and closed where the case is not there.
• No foreign-government-backed facility or research partnership in Florida with plausible military application, from any country.

Public investment:

• Section 218.415 lists what local governments may buy with public money. The government of Israel is the only foreign government named in it.
• HB 669, effective July 1, 2025, went further. It bars a local government's own investment policy from requiring a minimum credit rating on those bonds. The statute's words are "Rated or unrated."
• A county commission can no longer apply its own prudence standard to that one investment.
• Every investment of public money meets the same rating and risk standard, with no carve-out for any country.
• Local officials answer to local taxpayers. Tallahassee should not strip a county's ability to set its own prudence rules.
• Florida dollars should work in Florida first: infrastructure, workforce housing, local lending, American issuers.

State contracts and procurement #

• Public procurement is leverage. It should be governed by a written standard applied to every vendor, not by who has a relationship in Tallahassee.

The standard I will apply:

• No state contract may fund a system whose ordinary operation violates the Fourth Amendment. Continuous tracking of people not under suspicion is the test, not the vendor's name.
• Toll collection and similar fixed-purpose cameras are permissible. They read a plate at a point of transaction. They do not build a movement history.
• Every surveillance contract published in full before signing, including retention periods, third-party access, and what the vendor may do with Florida data.
• No state contract with a company whose core business is building targeting or population-tracking systems for armed conflict. Applied by what the company builds, not by where it is based.
• Human rights and conflict screening written as neutral criteria any vendor from any country can be measured against, published in advance, with an appeal.
• Florida and American vendors preferred where price and capability are comparable.

The state pension system #

• The Florida Retirement System is what teachers, firefighters, police officers, and state workers retire on. They earned it by working for the public.
• Independent review of solvency, published in full: the unfunded liability, the assumed rate of return, and whether that assumption is honest.
• Review of fairness across tiers. People hired after a reform often carry worse terms for the same work, and nobody ever says that out loud at hiring.
• Publish the investment portfolio, the external managers, the fees paid, and the performance net of those fees.
• An assumed return that nobody believes is a deferred tax increase on the next generation. Say the real number.
• No benefit promised that is not funded, and no fund raided to cover an unrelated budget hole.

State workers and vacancies #

• Every plan on this page is executed by people who work for the state, and a lot of those jobs are empty. Child welfare, corrections, nursing, inspections, and permitting are all running short.
• Vacancy rates, turnover, and time-to-fill published by agency and by position. You cannot fix what nobody is allowed to see.
• Exit interviews conducted independently and the findings published in aggregate. Ask the people leaving why they left, and then believe them.
• Honest salary comparison against the private sector and against other states for the same work.

What is usually behind it:

• Pay that fell behind and never caught up, so a veteran employee earns barely more than a new hire doing the same job.
• Caseloads set by the budget rather than by what one person can actually carry.
• Pension terms that got worse for anyone hired after a reform, for identical work.
• Fix those three and most of the recruiting problem solves itself. Keep ignoring them and no hiring bonus will hold.

08

Water, Land, and Data Centers

AI data centers #

• Financial analysts have reported that the AI data center buildout is not financially sound.
• Washington is pushing them into every state, including a hurricane zone with a shallow water table.
• At this scale these facilities are surveillance infrastructure, and that is the part nobody is asked to vote on.
• Ban new AI data centers in Florida.
• No public subsidies, tax exemptions, or special utility rate deals.
• Residential ratepayers should never subsidize a data center's electricity.
• Facilities already operating, including legitimate fiber terminals and content distribution networks, must pay their full costs: water, energy, waste heat, noise, and grid impact.
• Regulate them like any other industry that discharges into the place you live.
• Order a statewide water use and data center impact review in the first hundred days.

Aquifer sovereignty #

• Article X, Section 11 of the Florida Constitution places the land under our navigable waters in trust for all the people. That protection is explicit and constitutional.
• It does not reach the aquifer.
• Groundwater runs through water management districts and consumptive use permits under Chapter 373, which is a permitting system, not a trust.
• The water under your feet has weaker legal protection than the water you can see.
• Extend public trust principles to Florida's groundwater.
• Our aquifers belong to Floridians first. I oppose bulk water sales to out-of-state or foreign buyers.
• Require closed-loop water systems for large commercial facilities.

What the current system allows:

• A bottling operation near Ginnie Springs holds a consumptive use permit for roughly a million gallons a day from the Floridan aquifer, drawn on the Santa Fe River system.
• The permit fee was $115. Not per day. Total.
• The water is sold back at retail. Florida takes no royalty on any of it.
• A spring that is drawn down is not replaced on any timeline that matters to the people living on it.

What I will do:

• Charge a volumetric royalty on bulk water extracted for commercial resale, with the proceeds dedicated to springs restoration and the districts the water came from.
• No permit renewal for bulk extraction where spring flow or aquifer level is measurably declining.
• Publish every consumptive use permit over a threshold: holder, volume, fee paid, term, and current flow data at the source.
• Permit decisions on the record, with the applicant carrying the burden of showing no harm, not the public carrying the burden of proving harm after the fact.

Land, development, and property rights #

• No offshore drilling.
• No fracking.
• Large projects require statewide public notice and community approval, measured against clear criteria rather than decided in a meeting nobody was told about.
• Strict takings clause enforcement on eminent domain.
• Government should not take private land and hand it to developers.
• Create new protected wildlife sanctuaries.

Waterways, red tide, and the coast #

• Everglades restoration, springs protection, and the Indian River Lagoon are not abstractions.
• Confront nutrient pollution, agricultural runoff, and Lake Okeechobee discharges directly, including where large agricultural interests are the source.

Red tide:

• Red tide is naturally occurring. Its severity and duration are not independent of what we put in the water.
• Fund monitoring and forecasting at Florida institutions.
• Publish beach and water conditions in real time so families and businesses can plan.
• Enforce against nutrient sources.
• Accelerate septic-to-sewer conversion in the watersheds where loading is worst.
• Go after the nutrient load at its source. Agricultural runoff, stormwater, leaking septic, and fertilizer are what feed a bloom once it reaches the coast.
• Enforce fertilizer rules on commercial applicators, not only on homeowners during the summer ban.
• Phosphogypsum stacks are an unresolved liability. Piney Point discharged hundreds of millions of gallons into Tampa Bay. Full inventory of every stack, its condition, its financial assurance, and who pays if it fails.
• No new stack approvals and no road-building use of phosphogypsum until the existing ones are closed out.
• Red tide response funding that reaches local governments for cleanup within days, not after a season.

Coastal:

• Upgrade drainage, seawalls, and flood-zone planning.
• Be honest about long-term exposure of infrastructure and repetitive-loss properties instead of rebuilding the same thing in the same place with public money.

Restore the River of Grass:

• The Everglades is a river. It was plumbed into a drainage project and it has been treated as one for a century.
• Restore flow south from Lake Okeechobee rather than discharging east and west onto two coasts.
• Finish the storage and treatment projects already authorized instead of restarting the argument every budget cycle.
• Publish water quality and flow data continuously so progress is measurable by anyone, not announced.

10

Rights and Due Process

Second Amendment #

• I support constitutional carry, which is already Florida law.
• I support open carry. Florida's appellate courts have already found the ban indefensible. The legislature should conform the statutes rather than leave carriers guessing about what is legal where.
• I support stand your ground and the right of self-defense.
• Florida's red flag statute allows property to be taken before an adversarial hearing. My objection is procedural.
• Due process is not optional because the goal is sympathetic.

Any process that removes a constitutional right needs:

• A real evidentiary standard.
• Prompt judicial review.
• The right to counsel.
• An adversarial hearing.
• Penalties for false petitions.
• A strict time limit.
• Prompt return of property.
• I will publish a full replacement framework meeting that standard before asking the legislature to change the current law.

First Amendment #

• I oppose laws that restrict First Amendment rights. That includes laws passed by people I agree with, against speech I dislike.
• Speech, press, assembly, petition, and the free exercise of religion are limits on government power, not privileges government grants.
• The test is conduct, not viewpoint. The state may prosecute violence, destruction, and genuine threats. It may not reach the speech around them.
• A speech restriction written for one side gets inherited by the next administration and pointed the other way. That is the argument against every one of them.
• I will veto bills that condition public benefits, employment, enrollment, or licensure on a person's political speech or association.

Terrorist designations and due process #

• I oppose designating any person or organization a terrorist without due process.
• Senate Bill 1471 lets the executive branch label groups domestic terrorist organizations. The designations the Governor and Cabinet advanced take effect November 5, 2026.
• A designation makes material support a crime, bars public funds, requires expelling public university students who promote a designated group, and reaches private schools that accept state vouchers.
• Those are criminal and economic penalties. They were applied without a hearing.

What the process actually was:

• The Cabinet advanced the designations in roughly thirty seconds, with no discussion.
• No public comment was allowed. An attorney for a designated group was not recognized when she tried to speak.
• The legislature created a public records exemption for the findings behind a designation. The designated group cannot see the evidence against it. Neither can you.
• Secret evidence and no hearing is not a high bar. It is no bar.

The standard I will apply:

• Written criteria published in advance.
• Notice to the organization and a real evidentiary record.
• An adversarial hearing before designation, not after.
• Prompt judicial review, with the state carrying the burden.
• Automatic sunset and mandatory re-justification.
• No public records exemption that hides the basis for a government penalty from the public paying for it.
• This is the same standard I apply to red flag orders and to civil asset forfeiture. The procedure does not change because the target is unpopular.

On consistency:

• More than a hundred groups were designated. Not one is a domestic white supremacist organization.
• No state actor appears on any such list, whatever that state does, because states have lobbies and nonprofits do not.
• A terrorism label that tracks political alignment instead of conduct tells you it is not being used for terrorism.

So there is no confusion about what I think:

• I oppose political violence and every organization that practices it, left, right, foreign, or domestic.
• I oppose nationalist movements. I oppose socialism. Neither is a close call for me.
• None of that is the question here. The question is whether a government can impose criminal penalties on people without showing them the evidence.
• A process that works only against groups the administration dislikes is not a process. Build it so it would be fair applied to me, because eventually it will be applied to someone like me.

Medical freedom and informed consent #

• Forced medical procedures violate bodily autonomy.
• No vaccine passports.
• No employer shot requirements.
• No school closures.
• Parents, not agencies, hold authority over their children's medical decisions.
• Require doctors and clinics to disclose their financial relationships with pharmaceutical companies. If a recommendation comes with a payment attached, the patient should know before deciding.

Mandates:

• I oppose vaccine mandates. Florida has moved to end its school requirements by rule, and parts of that still need the legislature. I will finish it in statute so the next administration cannot reverse it by rule.
• No mandate as a condition of school, employment, licensure, or state benefits.

Evidence and disclosure:

• Every drug and vaccine prescribed in Florida should come with its trial record available in plain language: what was tested, against what, for how long, in how many people.
• Publish negative and discontinued trials, not only the ones that worked. A result that never appears cannot be weighed.
• Placebo-controlled testing where it is ethical to use a placebo. Where withholding an effective treatment would harm the patient, the comparison is against the current standard of care, and the trial says so plainly.
• Full disclosure of financial relationships between manufacturers, researchers, and prescribing physicians.

Accountability and injury:

• The 1986 federal act routes vaccine injury claims into a federal program and limits direct suits. A governor cannot repeal it, and anyone who tells you otherwise is selling something.
• What a governor can do: press Florida's congressional delegation to reopen manufacturer liability, and make sure no Florida law or contract adds immunity on top of the federal shield.
• Create a Florida supplemental compensation program for families whose children were injured, so a family is not left waiting years on a federal docket.
• Require Florida providers to report suspected injuries, and publish the aggregate data.

Access:

• Floridians may purchase medication from other states and from abroad for personal use.
• I will not have the state interfere with that, and I will press the federal government to stop interfering with it.

Service members and the Florida National Guard #

• A uniform does not suspend the Bill of Rights.
• As Commander in Chief of the Florida National Guard under state activation, I will not order any Guard member to accept a medical procedure as a condition of service.
• No Florida Guard member loses rank, pay, benefits, or status for declining one.
• Conscientious objection is a federal process and a governor does not control it. What a governor controls is state activation: I will not deploy the Florida Guard into a mission I would not justify to their families, and I will not punish a member who raises a moral objection to a state order.
• Review and restore any Florida Guard member separated or penalized over a vaccine refusal.
• For Guard members called into federal service, a governor's leverage is public, legal, and political. I will use all three and I will not pretend it is more than that.

Mothers, children, and abortion #

• A woman facing an unplanned pregnancy is usually facing a housing problem, a money problem, a childcare problem, and a fear problem at the same time.
• Florida has spent decades arguing about her decision and almost no effort making the harder choice survivable.

Real material support:

• Housing, food, childcare, mental health care, and healthcare.
• A benefit for carrying to term.
• An adoption benefit.
• Ongoing annual support for mothers raising children.
• Funding for the organizations that reach women who are alone in this.
• The principle is compassion, not coercion. Support first, and support that is actually funded.
• I oppose abortion except where medically necessary to save the mother's life.

Immigration and due process #

• The Fourteenth Amendment says persons, not citizens. Due process applies to everyone the state detains. That is not a policy preference, it is the text.
• Due process is not open borders. The state enforces valid law.
• Violent offenders and traffickers face enforcement.
• Employers who profit from exploiting unauthorized labor face accountability.
• Federal authority carried out constitutionally is respected.
• Detention must be lawful and humane.
• I oppose violent capture operations and will not tolerate deaths in Florida facilities.
• The findings at Alligator Alcatraz are why detention should never be a profit center.
• No private prisons. A governor can direct the Department of Corrections to stop renewing contracts; full transition needs the legislature and a real plan for staffing and public safety continuity.
• I support a path for long-term, law-abiding residents, including those brought here as children.

On federal enforcement agreements:

• I do not support blanket 287(g) agreements. Florida law should not compel every sheriff into one.
• Cooperation on apprehending felons and violent offenders, yes, where the federal request is lawful and particularized.
• A detainer is a request, not a warrant. Florida officers do not hold someone past their release date without judicial process.
• No Florida official, including a sheriff, may violate a person's constitutional rights because a federal agency asked. State officers answer to the Florida Constitution regardless of who is on the other end of the call.
• Agreements published, with arrest and detention data reported by agency.

Alligator Alcatraz:

• Close it.
• Independent investigation of conditions, medical care, deaths, contracting, and cost, with findings published in full.
• The people running it answer for what the investigation finds.

Criminal justice #

• End civil asset forfeiture without a conviction. Taking property from someone never convicted of a crime inverts the presumption of innocence.
• Address qualified immunity so accountability for government misconduct is real.
• Review mandatory minimums for proportionality.
• Fund re-entry programs covering housing, employment, mental health, and restoration of voting rights.

Policing and accountability #

• Most officers do the job right. The ones who do not are protected by rules that were written to protect the institution.

Recording:

• Repeal the HALO law. House Bill 184 made it a crime to approach within 25 feet of a first responder after a warning. Prosecutions began in 2025.
• The right to record police in public is settled First Amendment law. A buffer that an officer declares on the spot converts that right into something an officer grants.
• Officer safety is real. The answer is an obstruction standard based on conduct, which Florida already has, not a radius that makes a bystander with a phone a criminal.

Body cameras:

• Cameras on and recording for every interaction with the public, with no discretion to switch off mid-encounter.
• Footage of a use of force or an in-custody death released on a fixed deadline, not when it becomes convenient.
• An officer who disables a camera during an incident faces a presumption against their account of it.
• Fund the storage. Agencies that cannot afford retention get state support rather than an excuse.

Qualified immunity:

• End it. A right you cannot sue to vindicate is not a right.
• Qualified immunity is judge-made doctrine that asks whether a court has previously condemned nearly identical conduct. That standard rewards novelty in misconduct.
• A state cause of action for constitutional violations by state and local officials, without that defense.
• Indemnification so individual officers are not personally bankrupted, with the agency carrying the cost. The point is that the institution feels it and changes.

Recruiting:

• Accountability and staffing are the same problem. An agency that cannot recruit keeps the people it should not keep.
• Build the pipeline in Florida high schools: a public service track with civics and constitutional law as core coursework, paid cadet and internship programs, and a state-funded path through the academy for students who complete it.
• Every recruit passes a real examination on the Constitution, the Florida Constitution, and the limits of their own authority. An officer who cannot explain what a warrant requires should not be carrying a badge.
• Psychological screening before hiring and at regular intervals after, by an independent evaluator rather than the agency's own contractor.
• A statewide registry so an officer fired for cause cannot be hired by the next county over.
• Pay and benefits that make it a career, and mental health care that does not cost an officer their job to use.

Prisons and sentencing #

• No private prisons. Incarceration is not a business and a bed filled is not a success.
• Conditions are the state's responsibility. Working climate control, clean water, real medical and dental care, food that meets a published standard, and family visitation that is not the first thing cut.
• Independent inspection with published findings and unannounced access. An agency that inspects itself finds what it went looking for.
• Staffing is the condition behind every other condition. A facility that cannot staff a shift cannot keep anyone safe, including its officers.
• Prison is for people who need to be removed from society. Violent offenders, predators, traffickers.
• For everyone else, the question is whether incarceration produces a safer outcome than supervision, treatment, restitution, or a work requirement. Often it does not, and we pay for the worse result twice.
• Review mandatory minimums for proportionality. Expand diversion for addiction and mental illness, which is most of who is in there.
• Re-entry starts on the inside: identification, benefits enrollment, housing, and a job lined up before release, not a bus ticket and a trash bag.

12

Florida's Most Vulnerable

Veterans #

• Zero veteran homelessness as a state goal, with veteran housing fully funded and waitlists gone.
• Mental health and PTSD care without bureaucratic delay.
• A state crisis intervention system independent of the VA.
• Veteran-owned business loans and procurement preference.
• Streamlined licensing for military-trained professionals.
• Expanded property tax exemptions.

Seniors #

• Nursing home accountability with public inspection reports, staffing ratios, and complaint records available before a family has to choose.
• Serious Medicare and Medicaid fraud enforcement.
• Real penalties for elder abuse.
• Protection from predatory financial products aimed at people with savings and no time to recover from a loss.
• Affordable prescriptions through the state importation program.

Disabled Floridians #

• Accessibility in all state buildings, programs, and digital services.
• Independent living programs and community-based care instead of institutional placement by default.
• Employment incentives.
• Real ADA enforcement.

Homelessness #

• Housing First, with permanent supportive housing.
• Transitional housing that includes wraparound services.
• No criminalization of homelessness.
• Someone sleeping outside is evidence of policy failure, not evidence of a crime.

Domestic violence survivors #

• Fund emergency shelters statewide.
• Streamline protective orders.
• Provide economic support including job training, childcare, and financial assistance, because leaving usually fails for financial reasons.
• Prevent survivors from being penalized in custody proceedings for having left.

First responders #

• Fair pay and benefits.
• Mental health support that does not cost someone their career to use.
• Cancer presumption protections for firefighters.

14

First 100 Days

What I can do without the legislature #

• Executive order on government contract and lobbying transparency
• Insurance data and claims enforcement initiative directed at the Office of Insurance Regulation
• Citizens assessment-exposure disclosure on every policy
• Statewide water use and data center impact review
• Audit of ALPR and state surveillance systems
• Property tax replacement commission, with published county-level numbers
• Public records exemption audit and agency response-time reporting
• Opioid settlement spending published by county
• Housing and condo emergency financing proposal submitted to the legislature
• Veterans and first responder licensing fast-track
• Emergency management and hurricane readiness audit
• Public agency performance dashboard
• Affordability and anti-corruption legislative package submitted

No party. No PAC money. No corporate donors. Self-funded, which means the only people I answer to are the ones reading this page.